A question has been hanging thick in the whispered political gossip of Patna and beyond: After Nitish Kumar, who?
After all, the Janata Dal (United) – which, since its inception, has never faced the “leadership question” thanks to Nitish’s hold – has undergone tumultuous changes recently.
First, Nitish resigned as Bihar’s Chief Minister and took oath as a member of the Rajya Sabha, clearing the way for the state’s first BJP CM.
Then, Nitish’s son, Nishant Kumar, stepped out of his father’s shadow: he joined the party on March 8 and was made the Health Minister in the Samrat Choudhary government on May 7.
Nitish continues to lead his party in name, but anxiety is mounting over finding his heir, someone who is adept at navigating the complexities of the alliance with the BJP, especially now that it is the “senior partner”. For many party workers and leaders, that is Nishant.
Nishant’s entry into politics didn’t happen overnight. It had been in the offing for a while.
On February 14, he arrived in Bodh Gaya to start his first extensive tour of Bihar. Dressed in a white kurta-pyjama and a cream sweater, he walked through the famous Mahabodhi temple, learning about its history, meditating under the Bodhi tree, and meeting tourists from abroad. Photos showed him paying respects to the Buddha and posing with a monk.
It was far from Nishant’s first visit to Gaya. Only this time, he wasn’t a curious tourist or a pilgrim. The itinerary next took him to the Tater reservoir, part of the Ganga Water Supply Scheme. Standing by the water body, he shot a flurry of questions at the officials as they briefed him about the project. He also stopped at the Dashrath Manjhi Memorial, where he paid tribute to the “Mountain Man”.
Earlier in the year, Nishant had attended several carefully curated party functions across the state, interacting with leaders and workers. Since there was no election on the horizon, political circles in Patna ruminated on the obvious question: was the chief minister’s only son finally making his political debut after decades staying in the background?
At that point, Nitish appeared well ensconced in his chair. Now in his 10th term as Chief Minister after leading the National Democratic Alliance to a thumping victory, the 74-year-old’s grip on the state seemed absolute. But murmurs within his party, and outside, about his failing health and, thus, the urgency to find a successor had begun growing louder.
It didn’t take long for Nishant to emerge as almost the only viable option.
Now that he’s in the fray, Nishant’s greatest asset is also his chief liability: his only eligibility is that he is Nitish’s son.
He has begun his journey in politics at 53. At that age, his father had already been a Union minister and Chief Minister. If political acumen flows through the bloodline, Nishant may navigate his path with ease. Otherwise, he will have to learn quickly to endure the predatory depths of political life.
Nishant was born on July 20, 1975. He was very close to his mother, Manju Sinha, who practically raised him alone as Nitish was hardly ever home, always busy with politics.
Nishant initially studied at St Karen’s School in Patna. But a disciplinary incident, which allegedly involved a teacher hitting him, affected him so adversely that he was shifted to Manav International School in Mussoorie. Nishant did not like living away from his family, however, so he was admitted to Patna’s Central School, where he completed his Class 12.
Between 1998 and 2002, he pursued a B.Tech in Computer Science at the Bihar Institute of Technology (BIT) in Ranchi. Despite good academic performance, he did not appear for campus interviews or take up a job. Instead, sources say, he returned to Patna, living at his maternal grandparents’ home in Kankerbagh. While Nitish, serving intermittently as Union minister between 1989 and 2004, shuttled between Delhi and Patna, Nishant remained largely in Patna with his mother. Manju, a public school teacher, never moved into Nitish’s official residence when he was Union Minister or CM. She passed away in 2007.
After his mother’s death, Nishant went to live with his father at 1, Aney Marg alongside his extended family, including cousins of both his parents.
A former legislator recalls: “After the passing of his wife, Nitish appeared more invested in his son. He preferred Nishant to stay close at home rather than step into a professional career immediately.”
By most accounts, Nishant has led a private life. Slight in build, with close-cropped hair, he’s usually seen in kurta-pyjamas. In photographs, he is clean-shaven with a neat moustache; at other times, with a fuller beard. He avoids luxury cars and travels with minimal security, sources say.
Friends from BIT — including Islampur MLA Ruhail Ranjan (son of the late Rajiv Ranjan), Arjit Shashwat (son of former Union Minister Ashwini Kumar Choubey), Rajesh Choudhary (brother of Bihar Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary), and Amit Chourasia (son of former Sikkim Governor Ganga Prasad) — describe him as bright, courteous, and humble.
Recalling an incident from 1999, when Nitish was Union Railways Minister, Ruhail says: “We had to take a train from Ranchi to Patna. While my ticket was confirmed, Nishant’s was not. He didn’t send a confirmation request. Eventually, we shared one berth…For the first two years at BIT, no one knew he was Nitish Kumar’s son.”
“Bihar would be fortunate if someone like Nishant, with such humility and societal values, becomes CM someday,” Ruhail adds.
Another source says that Nishant kept himself informed about the state’s governance even when he stayed away from politics. “He has studied the Jal, Jeevan Haryali mission thoroughly,” the source says, referring to a scheme launched in 2019.
Those close to Nishant say he is an avid reader of books on socialism, the RSS, contemporary Bihar, and religious texts. His bookshelf includes titles such as “India’s Silent Revolution (Christophe Jaffrelot)”; “Ram Manohar Lohia (Indumati Kelkar)”; “Single Man: The Life & Times of Nitish Kumar of Bihar (Sankarshan Thakur); “RSS: The Long and Short of it (Devanura Mahadeva)”.
Family friends draw parallels between father and son. “Both have spiritual leanings,” says one. “After engineering, Nitish read Osho extensively. Nishant, too, reads mystical and spiritual literature, both Indian and foreign.”
Do father and son discuss politics? A source working in Nitish’s official residence says, “Once Nitish Kumar is home, it’s a general father-son conversation. Politics is hardly discussed at the dinner table.”
According to annual property disclosures, Nitish has transferred his ancestral assets to Nishant. The holdings, valued at around Rs 3.61 crore, include immovable property worth about Rs 1.98 crore in Kalyanbigha village and Bakhtiyarpur.
Because he was fast-tracked into politics, Nishant remains a political novice. Party leaders say Nitish had long resisted the idea of his son entering politics. His long-standing criticism of dynastic politics — aimed at Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Ram Vilas Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), now led by their sons Tejashwi Yadav and Chirag Paswan, respectively — made any move to promote his own son a delicate decision.
“He got so upset once and declared that as long as he was there, there should be no further talk of bringing Nishant into politics,” a JD(U) leader recalls.
Yet, signals that Nishant would take the jump emerged as soon as it became clear Nitish was going to step back.
In February last year, a Facebook profile surfaced. Its name, in Hindi, was disarmingly simple: Nitish ke Nishant. It shared photographs of Nishant at public events and with his father. One July 21 photo showed him hugging Nitish. Another, after the Bihar election win, was captioned: “Today, my greatest happiness is my father’s historic victory… I am proud to be your son.”
Sources say Nishant doesn’t have a social media team and that the page is handled by his nephew, Anuraj, who is a trained pilot.
On January 8 last year, Nishant made his first significant political statement. Accompanying Nitish to his hometown Bakhtiyarpur to unveil statues of freedom fighters, he told reporters in Hindi: “Vote for JD(U) and my father and bring him back.”
Now that he has formally joined politics, the question remains: Is he cut out for it?
Party leaders acknowledge that Nishant is a rookie but say his ringside view of Bihar’s politics and politicking over the last two decades will stand him in good stead.
“If Tejashwi could become Deputy CM at 25, Chirag Paswan could become chairman of LJP’s parliamentary board in 2013, and Deepak Prakash [son of Rashtriya Lok Morcha chief Upendra Kushwaha] could become a minister without being an MLA or MLC, why couldn’t Nishant join politics?” a JD(U) leader asks.
Over the years, party sources say, Nitish looked at potential successors outside the family — Upendra Kushwaha, former JD(U) president RCP Singh, and even political strategist-turned-politician Prashant Kishor. In the end, none emerged as a durable second-in-command.
Within the party, there were two broad — if undeclared — camps on the issue: one inclined to maintain the status quo and the other favouring a plan with Nishant in view.
Among the status quoists were Lalan Singh and the national working president Sanjay Kumar Jha. While Jha — often described as the BJP’s man in the JD(U) — had publicly kept the door open to the idea of Nishant entering politics, he and Lalan Singh were apparently cautious about any shift that could disturb the existing balance of power.
Along with Deepak Kumar, principal secretary to Nitish, they are widely seen as the party’s decision-making core.
At the same time, two sets of people were trying to convince Nitish to agree to Nishant’s entry: family members and some party leaders. “Both were telling Nitish that the BJP could ‘gobble up’ the JD(U) once Nitish was no longer in control… They argued that Nishant alone could hold the party together, steer it through the next Lok Sabha and Assembly polls, and ensure the party’s longevity against a strong BJP,” says a source.
The BJP and JD(U) have been allies for years. Yet Bihar remains a frontier for the BJP’s independent expansion.
Within the family, those championing Nishant’s cause reportedly included Nitish’s elder brother Satish Kumar and Nishant’s maternal uncle, Prakash Singh. After Manju’s death, Prakash and his wife moved into the CM’s house. Satish began living there after their mother, Parmeshwari Devi, passed away in 2011.
Satish has even spoken publicly in favour of his nephew. “I will speak to Netaji,” Satish told the media at Kalyanbigha earlier this year, referring to his brother.
It wasn’t long before support for Nishant grew overt. During Makar Sankranti in January, on a service road facing the JD(U) office on Bir Chand Patel Path, posters marking the harvest festival were put up. One poster, installed by Krishna Patel, state vice-president of Chhatra JD(U), stood out — it featured images of Nitish and Nishant.
It also sported a message in Hindi: “Unanimous leader of the party, please take note of the feelings of party workers. A servant of Nitish Kumar demands Nishant…The arrow is the symbol of Uncle Nitish’s dreams and Brother Nishant is the future of this arrow.”
The symbolism was hard to miss. The festival marks the end of the “inauspicious” month of Kharmas when new activities are traditionally supposed to begin.
From the days of George Fernandes and Sharad Yadav to the phase under RCP Singh and Lalan Singh to the current set-up with Sanjay Kumar Jha, the party has arrived at a crossroads. Its three most senior leaders — Lalan Singh, Vijay Kumar Choudhary and Sanjay Kumar Jha — all come from upper-caste backgrounds, sitting somewhat uneasily with the party’s OBC-driven, socialist political moorings.
Sources say none of them is seen as a natural successor to Nitish. Jha is perceived as being too close to the BJP. Lalan Singh is past 70. Choudhary, who has roots in the Congress, is regarded as a consensus-builder who works within the leadership’s framework rather than asserting an independent line.
Among the younger crop, too, there is no obvious claimant. In this vacuum, sources say, Nishant appears to be the only viable option.
“The party knows it would be quite tough to justify Nishant’s entry into politics, but it is left with no option,” a senior JD(U) leader says. “We would rather be pragmatic than evaporate as a political party because of Nitish’s stand. The same Nitish who had never allowed Nishant to visit the JD(U) office was pleased to see his son at the party office recently. This indicates that he’s coming down from his position on dynastic succession.”
Interestingly, Opposition leaders had welcomed the idea of Nishant entering politics. Former CM Rabri Devi said Nishant must get in on the act. Leader of Opposition Tejashwi Prasad Yadav went further: “If Nishant Kumar does not join the JD(U), the BJP would eat away the party.”
The biggest endorsement, though, came from RJD national vice-president Shivanand Tiwari: “I have seen Nishi grow. He has remained completely non-controversial so far, something very remarkable. I have heard him speak on politics. He has my blessings.”
Politics, though, is a cut-throat world and going in at the deep end without much experience can be risky.
Both Nitish and the BJP have long made aversion to dynasty politics the central plank of their attacks on opponents, especially the Congress. Nishant’s entry into the Cabinet has taken the sting out of that criticism. But whether this will, in any way, affect his rise to the top is a question time will answer. Nishant has begun his innings in politics and government; his every move, his every decision will now be under public scrutiny. Nishant’s success or failure will not only determine his own future, it will also have a serious impact on the future of his father’s party.
